Sunday, February 22, 2015

ANC website hacked?


A hacker group has claimed responsibility for deleting the contents of the African National Congress’ website
By  - February 21, 2015 98 Comments
ANC Wireless
The website of the African National Congress (ANC) is returning a blank page when you visit it, and a group calling themselves the Mosima Hack Team is claiming credit for the apparent attack.
“We have successfully hacked and deleted all contents within [the] ANC website,” the group said in an e-mailed statement. “We seized up documents which will be released to media very soon.”
The group was asked why they hacked the ANC website, and it said that it did so because South Africa needs to know that it is being run by individuals who serve themselves rather than the people who elected them.
Mosima Hack added that it is also angry at the way the recent row in Parliament was handled during President Zuma’s State of Nation address.
“The ANC continues to violate human rights and uses Apartheid tactics to solve issues in Parliament,” the group said.
“As Mosima Hack we are angry that Baleka Mbete along with her hand Thandi Modise called members of the South African Police Service to remove EFF members out of Parliament.”
The group promised that it will fight for justice for those who are oppressed by the ANC, and said that this hack was the ANC’s first warning.
ANC spokespeople were not aware of the hack 20 minutes after Mosima group claimed responsibility for the attack, but have said they are investigating and will provide feedback as soon as possible.
Update: A spokesperson for the ANC has confirmed that the website has been hacked and that their host is looking into i

Thursday, September 11, 2014

The Dark Truth About Why South Africa Destroyed Its Nuclear Weapons in 1990



racism
Why would any country voluntarily dismantle its nuclear weapons which take years and billions to develop?

South Africa is the only country which ever give up its nuclear dissuasion power.
But Why? Did they dismantle the country’s nuclear weapons because they believed in a vision of an Africa free of nuclear weapons, as the press reported?
NO.
The white apartheid regime didn’t want a Black Nation to possess nuclear weapon, a dissuasive power in our contemporary world.
Foreseeing a democratic South Africa where Black people will be in power, the white regime destroyed all the country’s main military facilities, ballistics missiles and dismantling all six complete nuclear weapons shortly after the release of Nelson Mandela from prison in 1990.
South Africa hastily joined the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), and seven weeks later the country signed a Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).
According to Greg Mills “South African authorities co-operated fully with the IAEA during the whole verification process, and were commended by the then director-general of the Agency in 1992, Dr. Hans Blix, for providing inspectors with unlimited access and data beyond those required by the Safeguards Agreement
In less than 3 years all South Africa’s ballistic missiles were scrapped, its six nuclear weapons dismantled, and any remaining missile engines destroyed.
To prevent any future attempt by any upcoming South African administration to empower the country, the apartheid regime enacted the most self-restricting legislation in the form of the “Act on the Non-proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction” that makes provision for a South African Council for Non-proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction to control exports of dual-use materials, equipment and technology.
While South African apartheid leaders’ actions were met with praise by the western medias and leaders, many saw this speedy destruction of  all the country main military infrastructures as a sign that the racist apartheid regime and many western countries didn’t want  the upcoming Black leaders to inherit such a powerful arsenal.
“The whole thing was dressed up as an honourable retreat from a nuclear Africa”said Frans Cronje, deputy CEO of the South African Institute of Race Relations, a Johannesburg-based think tank.
“A nuclear African state would be taken more seriously and would have a stronger leadership role – it forces people to take you seriously.
In leadership terms, renouncing nuclear weapons does the opposite – it reduces your influence in foreign affairs and international politics.
If renouncing nuclear weapons grows your influence, others would be falling over themselves to surrender their nuclear arsenals.” continued Frans Cronje
While a racist, violent, and brutal oppression white apartheid regime was trusted to have and manage nuclear weapons, a Black and democratically elected regime was not trusted to  manage them.
That historic decision was all about racism. Nothing else.
South Africa would today be stronger on the international stage if it had retained a nuclear arsenal.

It's Amazing What Money Can Buy - Freedom From A Heinous Crime

Oscar Pistorius not guilty of murder charges, judge to decide on culpable homicide

Thursday 11 September 2014 12.09
1 of 5
Oscar Pistorius sits in the Pretoria High Court
Oscar Pistorius sits in the Pretoria High Court
The South African judge in the Oscar Pistorius trial has cleared the athlete of charges of premeditated murder and second-degree murder.
"The state clearly has not proved beyond reasonable doubt that the accused is guilty of premeditated murder," Thokozile Masipa said.
He can still be found guilty of culpable homicide or acquitted.
Earlier, the judge also said Mr Pistorius made a '"conscious decision to shoot".
She said some witnesses in the murder trial failed to separate their own evidence from details contained in press coverage.
Judge Masipa found there was "some doubt" a woman screamed on the night of the shooting. 
The Olympic and Paralympic athlete is accused of killing his girlfriend Reeva Steenkamp on Valentine's Day last year.
He said he shot her after mistaking her for an intruder at his home near Pretoria.
The prosecution alleged that he intentionally murdered her after a row.
Judge Masipa will determine Mr Pistorius's fate alone as South Africa does not have trial by jury.
The 27-year-old double-amputee also faces firearms charges.
The case has heard from scores of witnesses and captivated a global audience with dramatic and heartbreaking scenes.
In one night, Mr Pistorius was transformed from a global sporting icon to murder suspect.
A little more than six months before the shooting, he made history at London 2012 by becoming the first amputee sprinter to compete in the Olympic Games.
Then in the early hours of 14 February 2013, the athlete, who had his lower legs amputated as a baby, fired his 9mm pistol through a closed toilet door at his home.
Ms Steenkamp, 29, suffered fatal injuries after she was hit in the head, arm and hip.
It was a tragic end to a budding romance that saw the pair labelled the 'Posh and Becks' of South Africa after they started dating three months earlier.
Interest in the subsequent case was intense, and a ruling that parts of the trial could be broadcast live on television added to the scrutiny.
It opened in March and involved physical as well as oral evidence, with one forensic analyst demonstrating in court how Mr Pistorius may have hit the toilet door with a cricket bat.
In June, after the trial was halted for a month, experts concluded that Mr Pistorius was not suffering from mental illness at the time of the shooting.
His reactions as the case against him was set out ranged from crying during evidence about texts they exchanged, and vomiting at a description of her injuries, to calmly taking notes and talking to his lawyers.
Mr Pistorius was on the stand for five days of intense cross-examination from chief prosecutor Gerrie Nel.

Monday, March 31, 2014

Loan ranger: Roux Shabangu banked on connections

This may be an old post but refer to Land Bank sues ANC Top Officials for the follow on.

14 OCT 2011 00:00 CRAIG MCKUNE

Prior to the R1.7-billion police headquarters leasing scandal, developer Roux Shabangu was a ma

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Roux Shabangu, the businessman at the centre of the R1.7-billion police headquarters leasing scandal, has a history of using political and family connections to make millions from South African taxpayers.

Mail & Guardian investigations reveal details of how, before grabbing at lucrative and questionable state leasing opportunities, Shabangu positioned himself in 2006 to benefit from R130-million in Land Bank loans.

They were part of an “irregular” R1-billion Land Bank loan book that is still being investigated by the Hawks.

One of Shabangu’s partners in the two companies that benefited from the loans was Minister of Co-operative Governance and Traditional Affairs, Sicelo Shiceka, who is being investigated by the Public Protector for allegedly misusing public funds.

Another of Shabangu’s partners was Ram Sookdeo, who headed the Land Bank programme—the Land for Development Finance Unit (LDFU)—that disbursed the loans.

Moreover, it was Shabangu’s cousin, Land Bank official Jabu Shabangu, who introduced him to the two companies’ core shareholders before the loans were approved.

Shabangu was listed in the finance unit’s books as recipient of a third loan, of R260-million, before the unit was shut down in 2007 under a cloud of questions about its legitimacy.

That Shabangu benefited from LDFU loans is separate from the previously reported fact that in 2007, the Land Bank paid one of his companies R10-million from its contentious AgriBEE fund.

The reason for this payment remains obscure and it is still the subject of an independent police investigation.

Feeding frenzy
Plundering and mismanagement of the Land Bank between 2006 and 2008 prompted government to replace the board and the chief executive and the bank was shunted from the ministry of agriculture and land affairs to the ministry of finance.

In the Land Bank’s 2009 annual report Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan wrote that it had been “dogged by allegations of mismanagement, fraud and corruption”.

He said four forensic investigations had been commissioned and their reports had been handed to the Serious Economic Offences Unit of the South African Police Service and the Hawks.

One of these investigations targeted the AgriBEE fund. Fraud-related charges have been laid against four suspects. Another targeted the LDFU.

Driven by former Land Bank chief executive Alan Mukoki, the LDFU approved loans worth almost R1-billion in 2006 and 2007.

This was in spite of three legal opinions, solicited by bank officials, stating that the bank’s legislated purpose was to fund agriculture, not development, and that the LDFU loans were unlawful.

The deals were soft on the recipients because the bank carried 100% of the risk.

Investors would not have to make down payments and they had to service the loans only after about two years.

“It was too good to be true,” said one investor who borrowed from the bank.

But the unit was closed down when a forensic investigation, ordered by the former Minister of Agriculture and Land Affairs, Lulu Xingwana, uncovered serious irregularities and alleged fraud on the part of bank officials, including Mukoki.

Enter Roux
In early 2006 a group of investors presented a proposal to the LDFU for funding to develop a Pretoria property, via a shelf company, Idada Trading 61.

One investor was Sookdeo, who had been a bank official until 2001.

Jabu Shabangu told the group the application was in order, except for the fact that the company lacked a black economic empowerment (BEE) component. So he recommended that they partner with his cousin, Roux Shabangu.

“Jabu said he had a relative who was in the construction business and it could help on the BEE side,” said one person close to the deal. Others corroborated this.

Two ANC heavyweights then joined Idada’s board: Shiceka, at the time a member of the Gauteng ANC’s provincial executive committee, and Gauteng legislature speaker Lindiwe Maseko.

“The idea of bringing these politicians [on board] was to go to council and get the work done quickly,” said another person close to the deal, referring to the various bureaucratic permits needed for the development.

In April that year, the bank approved Idada’s R29-million loan.

That same month, Sookdeo was appointed as a consultant to head the LDFU. Astonishingly, he remained an active Idada shareholder while heading the very unit that disbursed loans to the company.

An extensive trail of documents, seen by the M&G, shows that Sookdeo continued to involve himself in managing the account on the bank’s behalf.

More feeding
At the time a second company, called Westside Trading 570, was formed, including many of the same directors, according to the Companies and Intellectual Property Commission (CIPC) database.

They included Shabangu, Shiceka, Sookdeo, Maseko and Lydia Sebego, who headed the North West health department.

By June, they had also secured an LDFU loan, this time worth R100-million, to develop a Hartbeespoort property.

A third Shabangu company, Golden Dividend 36, was written into the Land Bank books as a “pipeline” project. It had applied for R260-million. An LDFU spreadsheet note on the project states: “File with Jabu Shabangu.”

Ghost shareholder?
Sookdeo’s role in Westside is unclear. CIPC records reflect that he resigned in May, after joining the bank, while two shareholders denied he was involved at all.

One source, however, was adamant that while Sookdeo headed the LDFU, he remained a “ghost shareholder” in Westside and that co-director Desmond Golding held his 10% share. Another shareholder first told the M&G that Sookdeo had not been involved in Westside, but later admitted to his shareholding, claiming that he sold his shares before joining the bank.

Sookdeo could not be reached for clarity and Golding denied the claim.

Irregular loan book
Xingwana placed a moratorium on all LDFU payments in October 2007, and neither Idada nor Westside could pay its contractors thereafter. Both developments stalled.

Creditors began to line up and boardroom spats and internal legal battles crippled the companies. By then, Shiceka, Maseko and Shabangu had resigned from Idada.

By last month, Idada owed the bank R25-million. It has since been liquidated, its assets sold for R13-million. Westside currently owes the bank about R100-million and Judy Bornmann, a Westside and Idada shareholder, said Westside was trying to sell the development to pay off debts.

Back on his feet
In October 2007, the same month that Xingwana placed a moratorium on all LDFU transactions, the Land Bank made a hasty and murky R10-million payment to one of Shabangu’s companies, African Dune Investments 123.

Last year the M&G revealed that this payment, allegedly made “irregularly” to him from the AgriBEE fund, was the target of Hawks investigations.

What Shabangu was paid to do is unclear, but the M&G can confirm the following:

Shortly before the R10-million payment Shabangu approached land affairs director general Thozi Gwanya with a proposal to buy farms to be used in land redistribution, but he was turned away, according to Gwanya.

At the same time, Shabangu approached Xingwana’s adviser, Sibusiso Gamede, with a proposal. Gamede referred him to Land Bank general manager Herman Moeketsi with the same proposal and within five days R10-million was transferred to Shabangu’s company. Neither Gamede nor Moeketsi would say what Shabangu had proposed.

Also in October 2007, as revealed by Landbouweekblad, Shabangu offered to buy land from farmers and agents throughout the country on behalf of the state. In a letter, he claimed to have access to a R900-million budget.

Asked what he was paid R10-million to do and in terms of which state mandate he was trying to buy farms, Shabangu provided a two-page Land Bank letter addressed to his company, approving a R10-million “grant”. Moeketsi had signed the letter after the date of payment.

Ostensibly, the grant was to be used to aid emerging farmers and “educate policy-makers”. Shabangu’s company “will from time to time give progress report (sic)” to Moeketsi.

Shabangu said: “I was a consultant in this project, I made payments to the subcontractors.” He would not say who these were.

‘We were cleared of any wrongdoing’

Asked to comment this week, Shabangu said: “You seem to think that I am incapable of conducting my business with honesty, integrity and ethics. What I cannot ignore is the fact that you seem determined to discredit my name and that of my company.”

He said his cousin “could not have influenced” the bank’s decision to grant his companies loans as “I was roped in as partner in Idada at a very late stage after the credit-risk assessment was almost complete”.

He claimed that investigations into the deals had cleared them of any wrongdoing.

However, police sources have confirmed investigations into African Dune Investments 123 and the entire LDFU portfolio are still taking place.

Land Bank chief executive Phakamani Hadebe said the LDFU investigation had been handed to police: “I cannot comment on individual cases.”

Jabu Shabangu did not respond to requests for comment, but Hadebe said Jabu had previously been suspended and was reinstated after successfully challenging the disciplinary action.

Shiceka, Maseko and Sebego denied they were cut in because of their political clout and Shiceka denied any involvement in Westside.

Bornmann said: “Our dealings with the Land Bank have been devoid of any irregularities.” She said Shabangu, Shiceka, Maseko and Sebego “had little or no leverage at all”.

Clarification

The original version of this article referred to a 2007 forensic investigation that “alleged fraud” on the part of former Land Bank chief executive Alan Mukoki.

Mukoki has since highlighted that he denied the substance of this allegation in the investigators’ report.

The 200-page report by auditing firm Deloitte is part of a body of evidence being investigated by the Hawks.

Hawks spokesperson McIntosh Polela confirmed this week that Mukoki had been investigated for fraud and that a case docket had been handed to state prosecutors. He confirmed this dealt specifically with Mukoki, but he would not detail the charges.

Mukoki said: “I can’t comment on that because I don’t know about it.”

Deloitte had been appointed to investigate the “commencement, management and administration” of the Land Bank’s Land for Development Finance Unit, following a Cabinet decision to investigate financial management at the bank.

The investigators reported various irregularities and ultimately argued that Mukoki “may have committed fraud”, recommending that criminal charges be laid against him.

Justifying their allegation, Deloitte’s investigators argued that Mukoki had been aware of three legal opinions, solicited by his staff, which found that the bank could not approve the unit’s loans as they were outside its legal mandate.

But Mukoki disputed the manner in which bank officials solicited the legal opinions.

“The so-called three legal opinions suggesting that [the unit’s] loans fell outside of the Land Bank mandate were themselves fraudulently obtained. [They] were never part of the Land Bank mandated record,” he said.

* Got a tip-off for us about this story? Email amabhungane@mg.co.za

The M&G Centre for Investigative Journalism, a non-profit initiative to develop investigative journalism in the public interest, produced this story. All views are ours. See www.amabhungane.co.za for all our stories, activities and sources of funding.

Monday, March 17, 2014

MONSANTO FORCED TO WITHDRAW UNSUBSTANTIATED ADVERTISING CLAIMS ON BENEFITS OF GM CROPS-ADVERTISING STANDARDS AUTHORITY OF SOUTH AFRICA

Monday, 17 March 2014 13:30

The Advertising Standards Authority (ASA) of South Africa has today ordered Monsanto to withdraw its advertisement on Radio 702 with immediate effect, wherein Monsanto claims the benefits of GM crops. According to ASA, Monsanto’s claims were found to be unsubstantiated.

The African Centre for Biosafety (ACB) lodged a complaint to the ASA following an advertisement on Radio 702 by Monsanto wherein Monsanto claims that GM crops “enable us to produce more food sustainably whilst using fewer resources; provide a healthier environment by saving on pesticides; decrease greenhouse gas emissions and increase crop yields substantially.” The ACB was supported in its complaint by Ms Judith Taylor from Earthlife Africa.

Monsanto was given an opportunity by ASA to respond to the ACB’s complaint but was according to the ASA, only able to provide the ASA with links to documents on its website but was unable to provide, as it is required to in terms of South African law governing advertising, inputs from an independent and credible expert confirming the various studies that Monsanto relied upon showing the ostensible benefits of GM crops.

“We are elated with this decision. Monsanto has already been warned by the ASA as far back as 2007, that it needs to substantiate its claims from an independent and credible expert in the matter of GM Food/M Wells/ 8739 (18 June 2007) regarding its claims of the so called benefits of GM crops. However, it appears Monsanto does not have much regard for South African law as it is hell bent on disseminating false and misleading information to the South African public, “ said Mariam Mayet, Executive Director of the ACB.

The ASA has warned Monsanto that “it should ensure that it holds proper substantiation for its advertising claims” or risk attracting further sanctions.



Monday, 17 March 2014 12:55

In the matter between:

Mariam Mayet on behalf of the African Centre for Biosafety - First Complainant

Judith Taylor - Second Complainant

and

Monsanto South Africa (Pty) Ltd. - Respondant

Consumer complaints were lodged against a radio commercial for Monsanto genetically modified crops, the live-read states as follows:

8 billion people by 2025. How will er feed them all? GM crops enable us to produce more food sustainably whilst using fewer resources. GM crops and food are strictly regulated and have been extensively researched and tersted for safety. GM crops provide a healthier environment by saving on pesticides and decreasng greenhouse gas emissions whilst increasing crop yields substantially. Read more about the safety and benfits of GM crops at www.monsanto.com.

During the hearing the ASA ruled:

Aside from submitting links to documents on its website, the respondent has submitted nothing from an independent and credible expert to confirm that the various studies relied on and referred to on its website are applicable to the respondent's product, or that they support the advertising claims.

As a result, the advertising is currently unsubstantiated and in contravention of Clause 4.1 of Section II of the Code.

The complaint is upheld.


Thursday, March 13, 2014

COSATU in ICU - NUMSA



NUMSA
12 March 2014

Union says Federation's NOBs have now resorted to tribalism in an effort to divide the working class




NUMSA NATIONAL BARGAINING CONFERENCE DECLARATION

"Decent Work + Living Wage Now!"

Saint Georges Hotel and Conference Centre | 10 - 12 March 2014

Introduction:

We, the two hundred and fifty (250) delegates representing more than 220 000 workers in the engineering Sector, House Agreements (HA) and ESKOM, met in Pretoria, declare to our members and all South Africans, that we have spent three productive days consolidating demands for improved wages and conditions of employment as mandated by our members.

We are emerging from our National Bargaining Conference (NBC) more confident and united, and better prepared and well equipped to represent our members as demanded by our theme"Decent Work + Living Wage Now". 

We salute the delegates for exercising maximum discipline and bringing to the fore members' mandates from the shopfloor. The mandate as expressed by delegates reflects our founding principles of worker control and participatory democracy. It has buried false and malicious insinuations that we have become a business union, as some of our opponents might want everyone to believe. We have remained true to our primary goals of being a shield and spear for our exploited members at the point of production.

The NBC was a collective product of intense and vigorous work done at the shopfloor through our "Ear to the Ground"campaign which started in Numsa organised workplaces as far back as January 2014. This campaign solicits workers' demands covering improved wages and living conditions. They are developed against the backdrop of the high cost of living, and the heavy socio-economic burden imposed on our members.

As a result of their meagre wages our members, like other employed workers, support the vast army of the unemployed who are languishing in squalor and abject poverty, mainly in black, especially African working class townships and informal settlements.

This reality is contradictory to the ideological fog of "a good story to tell" that is being spread by the politicians. In our view the 1994 negotiated settlement offered some benefits to the black majority but in the main it has been white monopoly capital who became the main beneficiary of the 1994 democratic breakthrough.

We use to share this perspective with the SACP with rallying cry that the second decade should belong to the working class. The current state of the South African working class tells us of a story which is too horrific to be good.

The global economic context and conditions of the working class:

The Conference was held within the context of the a soaring crisis at the main center of global capitalism and imperialism - the United States and Europe, where there is massive shrinking of manufacturing, and a shift into insecure services, especially finance, retail, security and so-called "knowledge production" tertiary sectors. Despite all of this slowdown in the global economy and suffering of the working class, capital continues to make profit. When the banks were crashing, it was the job of the bourgeois State's to rescue finance capital, since they are an essential part of the system that makes capital flourish.

Political developments:

The Conference takes place at a time when our country is still facing difficult challenges as can be seen in the d of unemployment, poverty and inequality. The truth of the matter is that no matter how many times we keep on talking about the triple crises, they will not go away unless our country takes a new radical political and economic path to address these challenges.

The old solutions, no matter how many times they are recycled, are not capable of delivering the required results. Only a new economic path can do this. This new path must be about changing ownership and control of the South African though the most resolute implementation of the Freedom Charter.

The disastrous result of the failure to implement the Freedom Charter finds expression in the stubborn triple crises we are facing today. What we are being fed on a daily basis are lies that the neo-liberal National Development Plan (NDP) is a good story to tell, and that South Africa has become a better place to live since the negotiated settlement of 1994.

We have a bad history of shifting the goal post to defend the right-wing neo-liberal agenda that our movement has adopted. Today we can see ANC's vision 2014 that we all supported has not halved unemployment, poverty and inequality as promised in 2004. The State of Nation Address (SoNA) provides nothing to take forward the second phase of radical transition neither did the 2014 budget speech which gave the bosses free grants with the illusion that these grants will create jobs.

Cosatu in the Intensive Care unit (ICU)

The backdrop to this Numsa National Bargaining Conference sees the progressive trade union movement, particularly COSATU in the Intensive-Care Unit (ICU). It is busy imploding due to ideological and political differences that have rendered it into a permanent state of paralysis. 

This paralysis is not class neutral. In certain instances it is self-inflicted. To some extent it is being advanced by our class enemies inside and outside the broader liberation movement. Unfortunately, since COSATU's 11th National Congress, underhand tactics and dirty politics have been unleashed to publicly sideline the democratically-elected General Secretary comrade Zwelinzima Vavi. Since the General Secretary Vavi's ill-fated suspension, not a single resolution or mandate from the 11th National Congress has been taken forward by COSATU's National Office Bearers (NOBs).

As Numsa, we are fully committed to unity in the Federation. But that unity should not be at the altar of undermining 11thNational Congress resolutions or outcomes. We refuse to be part of any agenda that seeks to liquidate COSATU's independence, militancy and fighting stances. This factional grouping does not care about workers' issues anymore. The Central Executive Committee (CEC) of COSATU is now nothing but a talk-shop and debating club.

The Cosatu National Office Bearers have now resorted to tribalism to divide organised sections of the working class. This reactionary stance stands in stark contrast to the Cosatu Constitution which makes non-racialism a corner stone of our revolutionary values. Ours at this moment is to mobilise the base of the working class to stand up and reclaim their federation from a power-hungryright-wing grouping that has no regard for COSATU's constitution.

The offensive against Numsa and its members:

This Numsa National Bargaining Conference also meets within the context of the following anti Numsa shenanigans;

The ANC, SACP and COSATU leadership has taken an underground decision to target Numsa organised workplaces under the guise of the ANC's election campaign with the aim and objective to cause a revolt against the December 2013 Numsa Special National Congress resolutions.

Working with former Numsa office bearers, shopstewards and officials, including internal ones, we know that Toyota shall see a visit by Cosatu President, Cosatu KZN POB's and Minister of Sports on 17th March 2014. We are told that t-shirts with the inscription - "I'm Numsa I'm voting ANC" - are allegedly to be distributed to Numsa members.

In the Numsa Sedibeng Region, we are told that Arcelor Mittal is targeted on the basis that Numsa is delivering poor service to Numsa members. The SACP Gauteng Provincial leadership together with the SACP Headquarters is at the center of this destabilization drive aimed at Numsa members, shopstewards, office bearers and officials.

In Numsa we have no sleeplessness nights over these shenanigans because we have a clear resolution with respect to the 2014 elections and other decisions of the SNC;

1. Every Numsa member is entitled to vote for a political party of their choice including the ANC;

2. Given the attack on the working class as a result of neo-liberal and anti-working policy implemented by the ANC, Numsa shall not endorse nor fund the ANC in its 2014 elections campaign;

3. Numsa is not and shall never be transformed into a political party;

4. In Numsa we have members of different political parties and therefore the unity of workers is our primary goal;

5. The United Front is not a political party BUT a mobilising instrument and tool in the hands of the working class to organise and coordinate working class struggles for working class confidence, consciousness and working class power;

6. The working class needs an independent and revolutionary working class party. In this regard we shall research and investigate internally the experience of workers parties and report these international research findings in March 2015. Dividing workers as the ANC, SACP and COSATU national and provincial leaders are now doing, demonstrates the fact that the working class is on its own and would have to accept that painful reality. No romanticism or sentimental attachments can obscure the bad state of the South African working class. As we reached the end of February 2014, we have grown the Numsa membership to 341, 473. We shall continue to serve the interest of workers to the best of our abilities.

Principles that underpins our 2014 Collective Bargaining strategy:

Closing the apartheid wage gap, fighting for equity in the workplace and demanding a Living Wage;

The democratization of the workplace;

Reduce excessive pay for the Bosses;

Develop the skills of the workforce that was deprived of that development during colonial-apartheid past.

Use collective bargaining to organise the unorganized and thereby growing Numsa into a formidable fighting force

Core and cross cutting demands:

1. Wages:

Double digit increases inclusive of the CPI and an improvement factor

2. Duration of the Agreement

We demand a double digit increases inclusive of the CPI and an improvement factir=gans;
.s too horrific to be good.
o the working class. Theone year agreement effective 01st July 2014 to 30th June 2015.

3. Scope of the agreement

Wage negotiations must benefit all Numsa members'irrespective salaried or wage earners

4. Allowances

a) Shift Allowance b) Service Allowance c) Housing Allowance d) Transport Allowance e) Tool Allowance

5. Training and Career Pathing

6. Outlaw Labour Brokers in our industries

7. Improvement of Leave provisions

a) Sick Leave /IOD/Illness b) Maternity leave c) Family Responsibility Leave d) Annual Leave e) Leave Enhancement Pay

8. Organisational Rights

a) Shopstewards Time -off b) Improvement in Short Time provisions c) Youth Wage Subsidy - Employment Tax Incentive Act - Must not be implemented in our industries d) Productivity Bonuses

9. Benefits 

a) Improvement in Severance Pay b) Improvement Ex Gratia Payment c) Provisions to cover workers in respect of Load shedding/ Inclement weather/Unforeseen Circumstances d) Improve the medical aid schemes/contributions e) Free solar geysers for Eskom employees f) Retirement Fund Reform: The conference welcomes the general financial amendment particularly with respect to employers who deduct workers money for pension contributions and not paying over to the funds.

The conference noted that in 2013 government issued six discussion papers on reform for comment but without consulting labour at NEDLAC. We are concerned that the government want to push preservation without addressing our demand for a Comprehensive Social Security.

Given its paralyses, COSATU is not taking this matter serious because no serious effort is made by COSATU to oppose Preservation.

We as NUMSA will mobilise Social Forces to oppose preservation until Government goes to NEDLAC to seriously negotiate Comprehensive Social Security.

Conclusion:

1. Side by side, Numsa members together with our sister unions in the various bargaining chambers, we shall confront the logic of Capital in collective bargaining;

2. We are working flat out to make sure that the Numsa led S77 strike on 19th March 2014 is a success. The 19th March strike shall usher in rolling socio economic strike between now and 2016;

3. We regard the unity of metalworkers and all other workers in the South African economy as sacrosanct and therefore we shall fight with all our strength to preserve the unity of workers and the working class in general;

4. We shall take up a serious battle with National Treasury to ensure that retirement reform does not act against the interest of workers. We note that Cosatu's paralysis has resulted in the Federation being incapable of making our representation to retirement reforms initiated by employers and national treasury. We shall build the struggle for retirement reforms, in the interest of workers, into the Numsa socio economic strikes as endorsed by our SNC.

5. We shall intensify the call and struggle for the convening of the Cosatu Special National Congress.

As adopted by the Numsa National Bargaining Conference (NBC) and the Numsa Central Committee (CC) on 12 March 2014, in Saint George Hotel, Irene, Pretoria, Gauteng.

Issued by NUMSA, March 12 2014

Eskom: Peter Bruce grabs the wrong end of the stick - COSATU


















Patrick Craven
12 March 2014

Federation says earlier govt efforts to privatise the parastatal are at the root of the current crisis

COSATU statement on Eskom crisis

Eskom's recent ‘wet coal' crisis has revived bad memories of the load-shedding crisis in 2008, when COSATU made a comment that is just as relevant today:

"The Congress of South African Trade Unions shares people's anger at the enormous disruption to their lives and the economic prospects for the country caused by Eskom's ‘load shedding'. It has become a serious national embarrassment and could have a major impact on economic growth and job creation."

Both then and now however, COSATU has strenuously resisted the predictable arguments from right-wing commentators that the cause of Eskom's problems is that it is state-owned and that the solution is privatisation.

A typical example is Business Day editor, Peter Bruce, who, in his Thick End of the Wedge column (10 March 2014) argues that the Eskom crisis shows that:

"... It is time to put privatisation, or a version of it, back on the table. We have an opportunity now to privatise in a uniquely South African way to solve South African problems, bringing unions, the poor and investors into an inclusive pot that could change our future."

Nothing could be further from the truth. As COSATU explained in 2008, the crisis which exploded then, and continues until today, was the result of a misguided attempt by government in the late 1990s to prepare Eskom for privatisation.

"COSATU accepts that Eskom are not to blame for the crisis we now face," we said. "They warned the government years ago that they needed money to invest in new power stations, and applied to the government for this. But the government refused to provide the money, which President Mbeki has now admitted and apologised for. This was because at the time that Eskom made the application, the government were set on privatising it and other public utilities, and selling them off to the highest bidder. They thus made Eskom to be inefficient."

Strangely, Peter Bruce cannot disagree with this. "The current mess is not of Eskom's making," he writes. "It was screaming long ago to be allowed to build more capacity, but the government wouldn't let it until it was too late." But he then makes the curious assertion that "What we are paying for now is pure ideology."

But that ‘ideology' was his very own capitalist ideology, the idea that privatisation was the magic wand which would solve the problems faced by Eskom and other state-owned enterprises (SOEs). The whole episode illustrated the folly of trying to run what ought to be a public service as if it was a private commercial company.

As we said in 2008, "COSATU consistently opposed privatisation precisely because we insisted that it must be a national service, efficiently providing secure and affordable power to the people and to industry. This could never be achieved by a utility that was motivated instead to maximise its profits. We welcome the government's rejection of the planned privatisation. We demand that the government and industry now speeds up the process of providing Eskom with the money they need for capital investment, so that we can bring an end to the crisis as quickly as possible."

The problem in 2014, is that despite that welcome change in policy in 2008, it was too little too late, and the new coal-fired power stations at Medupi and Kusile are still unfinished, and unlikely to come on stream until next year. Hence Eskom remains teetering on the brink of a new crisis, which can be sparked by a minor blunder like the delivery of wet coal to one power station.

The solution in the short term is to do everything possible to complete the construction of Medupi and Kusile, and intensify the campaign for more efficient use of electricity by businesses, government and individual consumers.

In the longer term however, instead of building more coal-fired power stations there is an urgent need to upscale investment in the renewable sources of energy. While it is cheaper now to produce electricity from coal, it is going to be more costly in the medium to long term. The inverse is true of the renewable sources of energy, which will be relatively expensive initially but cheaper in the long term.

Increasing investment in renewable sources of energy and developing capacity in green technologies and industries will also create jobs and play an important part in the drive to combat the negative effects of climate change.

This will obviously require money, but must not be an excuse to revive the idea of privatisation. Eskom can still solicit investment from the private sector, but must never become solely dependent on it, and should prioritise cooperatives and community owned renewable energy entities.

That is why COSATU has called for a special, once-off tax on corporations to fund the necessary expansion of Eskom's capacity. This would preferable to more of the annual above-inflation tariff increases we have suffered over the past few years which have hit low-income workers and the poor, and we reject any attempts by Eskom to apply for further tariff increases before the end of the current multi-year-price determination period.

COSATU also insists that Eskom stops its attempts to shift the burden for its problems on to its workers. Because it is deemed to be an essential public service, many Eskom workers cannot legally go on strike.

Eskom therefore should do everything possible to negotiate in good faith to ensure that workers are given decent wages, yet it outrageously failed to do so recently when it abruptly terminated negotiations, unilaterally went to the CCMA and persuaded it to make an arbitration award, under which Eskom imposed a 5.6% increase on basic salaries. This amounted to a total cost-to-company of 6.3% including adjustments on allowances. In real terms, with inflation currently at 5.4% this is virtually no increase at all.

Yet these same employers have awarded themselves bonuses of R31 million over two years (R17m in 2013 and R14m in 2012).This is yet another example of a public utility being run in the same way as private companies, in which personal enrichment rather than public service is the top priority.

Statement issued by Patrick Craven, COSATU national spokesperson, March 12 2014